Why do People Disseminate Fictitious Accounts ? A Systematic Analysis of snopes . com

People often disseminate fictitious information and contrived anecdotes, some of which can be destructive. This paper explores the proposition that most, if not all, fictitious information can be classified into four clusters. Each cluster reinforces one of four underlying determinants of positive emotions—unambiguous duties, moral authorities, extensive capabilities, and stable values over time. This framework is derived from socio-emotional selectivity theory, self-discrepancy theory, and the meaning maintenance model. To assess these propositions, 1500 fictitious claims, derived from snopes.com, were subjected to thematic analysis. To code these claims, all nouns and verbs were translated to broader categories. Then, researchers sorted these abstracted claims into 88 piles of overlapping accounts. These 88 accounts were next sorted into 19 broader piles, each reflecting a distinct theme. All 19 themes aligned to one of the four underling determinants of positive emotions. These findings indicate that, arguably, the need to curb negative emotions and to foster positive emotions motivates these biased and fictitious accounts. The findings also highlight several distinct avenues in which each of these four needs can be fulfilled. The implications of these findings to a range of issues, from violence and mental illness to advertising and marketing, are discussed.


Introduction
Although ubiquitous throughout the ages, social media has underscored the prevalence of misguided and fictitious information.Some people, for example, maintain that swine flu was a campaign, contrived by rivals of the pork industry or by pharmaceutical companies (King, 2010).Other people assert that Michael Jackson faked his death merely to circumvent his debts (King, 2010).Some individuals even maintain that Barack Obama is actually a radical Muslim or that producers decide who will win American Idol (Roeper, 2008).Often, these fictitious claims or contrived accounts are innocuous.Yet, in some circumstances, these distortions can provoke violent and destructive behavior.Violent extremism, for example, is often ascribed to misguided beliefs about modern society.The decrees and declarations of Sayyid Qutb (1964), such as his belief that "Mankind today is on the brink of a precipice" (cited in Saucier, Akers, Shen-Miller, Knezevic, & Stankov, 2009), were central to the formation of Al Qaeda.Alternatively, fictitious allegations can translate into injustices and other complications.
Scholars and practitioners, therefore, need to uncover, and then to prevent, the origins of these fictitious claims.This paper invokes socio-emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1995), self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987), and the meaning maintenance model (Heine, Proulx, & Vohs, 2006) to develop a theory that characterizes the source of these beliefs.A systematic analysis of past distortions is then undertaken to corroborate this theory.

The Motivation to Regulate Emotions Rather than to Accrue Knowledge
Central to socio-emotional selectivity theory is the distinction between two fundamental motivations: the motivation of individuals to accrue knowledge and resources and the motivation of individuals to regulate emotions (Carstensen, 1995(Carstensen, , 2006)).People sometimes feel their identity, including their goals, values, and interests, are unlimited in time (Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999).Many young people, for example, feel their identity will last indefinitely (Carstensen, 1995).Consequently, they are especially motivated to accumulate resources that could be beneficial to their future, such as knowledge and insight (Carstensen, 2006).They value accurate and constructive information, vigorously and doggedly (DeWall, Visser, & Levitan, 2006).They do not accept opinions they feel are erroneous merely to appease someone else and, therefore, may sometimes appear quarrelsome (DeWall et al., 2006).
In contrast, individuals may instead feel their identity is limited in time, and this perception is common in people who are elderly or afflicted with a terminal disease (Carstensen & Fredrickson, 1998).Therefore, rather than accrue beneficial knowledge and accurate information, their primary motivation is to improve their emotions (Pruzan & Isaacowitz, 2006).In this state, memory, attention, and sensemaking is biased towards positive features (Charles, Mather, & Carstensen, 2003;Mather & Carstensen, 2003, 2005).
Socio-emotional selectivity theory, therefore, implies that many distorted assumptions can be ascribed to the motivation of individuals to alleviate negative emotions and to foster positive emotions.In particular, this motivation may bias the memory, attention, and interpretations of individuals and diminish the pursuit of accurate information.

The Cognitive Underpinnings of Specific Emotions: Self-Discrepancy Theory
As socio-emotional selectivity indicates, memory, attention, and sensemaking may be biased to improve emotions.Therefore, to understand the source of fictitious information, researchers need to characterize the cognitive biases that enhance these affective states.
Although all these frameworks are illuminating, self-discrepancy theory may be especially pertinent to this discussion.In particular, self-discrepancy theory characterizes the family and social dynamics from which specific emotions evolve (Higgins, 1987).Consequently, when this theory is invoked, practitioners may be able to advocate social changes that diminish the need in individuals to regulate emotions and to disseminate or embrace fictitious claims.
According to self-discrepancy theory, during their childhood, individuals learn which behaviors they should enact to prevent immediate punishment and which behaviors they should enact to attract future rewards (Higgins, 1987(Higgins, , 1989)).As they mature, these individuals glean an array of principles from these experiences, such as "To prevent punishment, do not emit loud noises" or "To attract rewards, evoke laughter in other people".The principles that are distilled to prevent punishment are conceptualized as social duties or obligations, whereas the principles that are distilled to attract rewards are conceptualized as future hopes and aspirations (Higgins, 1997).

Impending Punishment
Sometimes, individuals are not sure which of their duties they should attempt to satisfy.To illustrate, while they drive a car, they may not be certain which authorities, such as a rebellious passenger, the police, or the parents, will evaluate their behavior and potentially deliver punishments.In addition, the demands of each authority, such as a parent, may shift unexpectedly over time.Individuals may not, therefore, be sure of which duties or obligations this authority expects them to fulfill now.As a consequence, they feel they may not satisfy these duties and, therefore, may be punished (Higgins, 1987(Higgins, , 1989)), coinciding with feelings of apprehension, agitation, and anxiety (Higgins, 1987(Higgins, , 1989(Higgins, , 1999)).Indeed, as many studies have shown, whenever people feel they have not fulfilled their duties, as measured by the Selves Questionnaire or other instruments, they are more likely to report these unpleasant feelings (Boldero & Francis, 1999;Boldero, Moretti, Bell, & Francis, 2005;Higgins, 1987Higgins, , 1999;;Scott & Hara, 1993;Strauman, 1989).
Yet, even if individuals feel they have fulfilled their social duties, they may still feel they could be punished.That is, they may assume the authorities that can dispense punishment, such as parents, police, principals, leaders, or even dominant peers, can be unjust and unpredictable.For example, at work, a manager who commits an error may blame employees rather than assume responsibility.The employees, therefore, may fulfill all their duties but still be punished unfairly (Deutsch, 1975).Therefore, as a consequence of either ambiguous duties or unjust authorities, individuals may anticipate punishment and thus experience apprehension, agitation, and anxiety (Higgins, 1987).In contrast, if duties are unambiguous and authorities are just, the prospect of punishment dissipates, and feelings of contentment are experienced instead (Higgins, 1987).

Withdrawal of Rewards
The origins of dejection diverge from the origins of anxiety.In particular, in some circumstances, individuals do not feel they have developed the capabilities to fulfill their aspirations (Higgins, 1999).They may not feel their skills, abilities, knowledge, wealth, social networks, or personal qualities are adequate.Consequently, they do not believe they will receive the rewards they had anticipated, such as praise from their peers.The ensuing sense of loss manifests as dejection, sadness, and resignation (Higgins, 1987(Higgins, , 1989)).Indeed, as many studies demonstrate, when people doubt their capacity to achieve their aspirations, they are more likely to experience these negative emotions (Boldero & Francis, 1999;Boldero et al., 2005;Scott & Hara, 1993;Strauman, 1989).
However, even if individuals feel they can achieve their aspirations, they are not always sure these accomplishments will be rewarded in the future.They may feel the values of their community, and hence which achievements are rewarded, may vary arbitrarily over time, sometimes called a decrease in instrumentality rather than expectancy (Vroom, 1982).For example, a company may reward employees who embrace risks one month but reward employees who behave cautiously the next month.Again, as the prospect of reward diminishes, the likelihood of dejection increases (Higgins, 1987).
In short, unless their duties are unambiguous, their authorities are moral, their capabilities are extensive, and the values of their community are consistent over time, individuals are likely to experience negative emotions-especially anxiety or dejection.These four conditions, derived from the previous discussion on self-discrepancy theory, are outlined in the first column of Table 1.

Biases that Foster Positive Rather than Negative Emotions
If motivated to regulate their emotions rather than to amass accurate information, individuals may bias their memory, attention, and interpretations to information that conforms to these conditions.For example, if individuals respect one authority, but dismiss other authorities, they are more certain of which duties to observe.Likewise, when people gravitate to settings in which the expectations and standards of authorities are predictable and unequivocal, they are more certain of which duties to satisfy.
This veneration of one authority and inclination towards predictable, unequivocal settings aligns to the concept of need for closure (Webster & Kruglanski, 1994), defined as the need in some individuals to reach conclusions prematurely and to accept these conclusions uncritically (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996).Specifically, when people experience a need for closure, they embrace, and do not question, one authority or ideology (Kruglanski, Shah, Pierro, & Mannetti, 2002;Van Hiel, Pandelaere, & Duriez, 2004), and tend to gravitate to predictable, coherent settings.This need for closure, therefore, should diminish the likelihood that duties seem ambiguous and alleviate apprehension, agitation, and anxiety, at least until these individuals are exposed to information that shatters these biased assumptions.
Biases may also increase the likelihood that authorities seem just and fair.Indeed, many studies have corroborated the just world bias (e.g., Correia, Kamble, & Dalbert, 2009;Janoff-Bulman, Timko, & Carli, 1985), which is the inclination to assume the world is just and that people receive the rewards and punishments they deserve (Lerner, 1980; see also Dalbert, 2001).When people entertain these biases, the prospect of punishment should decrease, and feelings of anxiety should abate (Higgins, 1987).
In addition, many biases increase the probability that people feel they can achieve their aspirations.For example, individuals are not as able to recall unfavorable, compared to favorable, information about themselves (Croyle, Loftus, Barger, Sun, Hart, & Gettig, 2006).They also overestimate the importance of traits that represent their strengths (Lewicki, 1983).These tendencies, and many similar distortions, are collectively called self-enhancement biases (Bosson, Brown, Zeigler-Hill, & Swann, 2003) and have been shown to evoke positive emotions (Taylor & Brown, 1988), at least transiently.
Finally, some biases may increase the likelihood that values seem stable over time, analogous to a coherent worldview (Arndt, Greenberg, & Cook, 2002).For instance, people tend to perceive anyone who challenges their beliefs about the world as misguided or hostile (e.g., Arndt et al., 2002).The second column of Table 1 summarizes these four sets of biases, each of which should alleviate negative emotions.

Alignment to the Meaning Maintenance Model
These four constellations of biases closely align to another taxonomy, embedded with the meaning maintenance model (Proulx & Heine, 2006, 2008, 2009).Specifically, according to this model, when people feel their sense of meaning is threatened and their life seems futile or incoherent, they tend to exhibit one of four biases, specified in the third column of Table 1 (Heine et al., 2006).In particular, they exhibit a need for closure (Van Tongreen & Green, 2010), they overestimate the extent to which society is moral and just (Randles, Proulx , & Heine, 2010), they inflate their self-esteem (Van Tongreen & Green, 2010), and they overrate the degree to which their achievements and contributions will be valued in the future, called symbolic immortality (Van Tongreen & Green, 2010).
This alignment between self-discrepancy theory and the meaning maintenance model is not surprising.In particular, from the perspective of self-discrepancy theory, when individuals entertain these biases, their anxiety and dejection subside (Higgins, 1987).This decrease in anxiety enables individuals to shift their attention to future aspirations rather than immediate concerns (cf., Derryberry & Reed, 1998).This decrease in dejection enables individuals to feel they can achieve these aspirations (Higgins, 1987).Their activities now seem pertinent to these aspirations of the future, imbuing their life with a sense of meaning.Consequently, when people feel their life is futile, these four biases should restore this sense of meaning.

Overview of this Study
To reiterate, four constellations of biases seem to alleviate negative emotions and foster positive emotions.Consequently, if motivated to enhance their emotions, people should be motivated to concoct, disseminate, and embrace information that reinforces these biases.If this premise is correct, fictitious claims and contrived anecdotes should align to the four constellations of biases that curb negative emotions, as outlined in Table 1.To assess this possibility, this study examines whether popular misconceptions and fabrications do indeed correspond to these four constellations.
To conduct this study, fictitious claims were derived from snopes.com, a website that presents evidence to confirm or refute thousands of folklores.For example, one entry provides evidence that substantiates the prevailing belief that S really was the middle name of Harry Truman.Another entry presents evidence that refutes the popular belief that Benito Mussolini increased the punctuality of trains in Italy.In this study, an extensive ample of fictitious claims was subjected to a thematic analysis to unearth constellations of biased assumptions.

Identification of Fictitious Claims
The snopes.comwebsite classifies all claims into false, true, ambiguous, or uncertain.For this study, only the fictitious claims were subjected to the analysis.In particular, in this study, saturation was reached after a sample of 1500 claims was examined.That is, when the researchers examined another 100 claims, no additional codes or themes were uncovered (see Bowen, 2008, for a discussion about saturation).
To optimize this sample of fictitious claims, two key phases were conducted.First, one researcher identified duplicates, defined as fictitious claims that had been assigned to more than one category and, therefore, appeared more than once on the website.For example, the contention that "KFC restaurants stopped using the word chicken to describe their products because they are serving meat from genetically modified animals" had been allocated to the category "Horrors" under the subcategory "Contaminated food" but also had been allocated to the category "Food" under the subcategory "Warnings".Second, another researcher attempted to identify fictitious claims that actually comprise two or more divisible folklores.To fulfill this objective, the researcher examined all fictitious claims that entailed the word "and".
Most of these fictitious claims could not be divided into two or more claims.For example, in most instances, the word "and" separated two or more related items in a list-such as "A mixture of Mentos and Coca-Cola killed two Brazilian children".In other instances, the phrase after the word "and" merely exemplified, clarified, or verified the phrase before this word, such as "President Bush misspoke at a right-to-life rally and repeatedly said 'feces' instead of 'fetus'".
However, in some instances, the two phrases before and after the word "and" were independent.The second phrase did not confirm or clarify the first phrase.An example is "Muslim girls buried alive by their father are fed and comforted by Jesus until rescuers came for them".Independent claims, provided they had both been invalidated, were divided into two distinct folklores.In this example, the two folklores were "Muslim girls were buried alive by their father" are "Trapped Muslim girls were fed and comforted by Jesus until rescuers came for them".

Classification of Fictitious Claims
Consistent with the procedures that were recommended by Braun and Clarke (2006) to conduct thematic analysis, the two psychology researchers first perused 1000 of these fictitious claims to form initial impressions.Second, they attempted to assign initial codes to these data.
In particular, to code each of these 1000 fictitious claims, the researchers converted specific nouns and verbs to broader categories.For example, to code the folklore "The Marlboro brand of cigarettes is owned by the Ku Klux Klan", "The Marlboro brand" was translated to "A large corporation", "owned by" was translated to "associated with" and "the Ku Klux Klan" was translated to "a malevolent entity".This claim was thus reduced to "A large corporation is associated with a malevolent entity".This phase was undertaken to merge fictitious claims that are equivalent, at least after unnecessary details are eliminated.The two researchers coded all the claims in isolation from each other.
Then, codes that overlapped considerably with one another were amalgamated.To fulfill this goal, each code was written on a separate card.Four psychologists, including the two researchers, distributed the cards into piles of overlapping codes.If all four researchers distributed two cards into the same pile, the corresponding codes were then amalgamated.That is, two codes that were always sorted into the same pile were subsequently classified as one broader code.
Next, as suggested by Braun and Clarke (2006), to validate these amalgamated codes, two researchers assessed the degree to which this scheme is consistent with another 100 fictitious claims.That is, the two researchers, in isolation from each other, assigned this set of folklores to the existing piles of codes.They repeated this process with other sets of 100 claims until all the folklores in this set could be assigned to the existing piles, indicating that saturation had been reached (Bowen, 2008).
After this phase, and compatible with the recommendations that were stipulated by Braun and Clarke (2006) to uncover broader themes, the four psychologists then attempted to reduce these amalgamated codes into larger clusters.Specifically, a definition of each amalgamated code was printed on a separate card.Each researcher, in isolation from each other, sorted these cards into piles that seemed to overlap with each other.Finally, each researcher classified these themes into one of the four constellations of biases, as defined in Table 1.

Preliminary Coding of Data
Not all the fictitious claims could be coded unambiguously.That is, for some of these claims, the researchers were not certain to which broader category a particular noun or verb should be assigned.To illustrate, one folklore, since refuted, is that "Mel Gibson was the inspiration for the film 'The Man Without a Face'".Yet, Mel Gibson is generally associated with several attributes, such as "a movie star", "a controversial person", "a prejudiced individual", or "a tough man" rather than a single category.This folklore, therefore, could not be translated into an unambiguous code.
Instead, only fictitious claims that both researchers translated to the same code, or to two codes that were synonymous with one another, were retained.This procedure uncovered an initial set of 715 different codes.

Amalgamation and Validation of Codes
Four psychologists, including the two researchers, distributed the 715 codes, each printed on a card, into piles of overlapping codes.If all four researchers distributed two cards into the same pile, the corresponding codes were then amalgamated.This procedure uncovered 81 amalgamated codes.
Next, to validate these amalgamated codes, two researchers, in isolation from each other, classified another set of 100 fictitious claims into these piles-at least after the specific nouns and verbs of these claims were converted to broader categories.Either one or both researchers felt that some of these additional codes did not align to any of the piles.These codes were instead classified into their own piles.This procedure was repeated four more times until saturation was reached.
The two researchers assigned 88% of these 500 additional claims to the same piles.After considerable discussion, this percentage increased to 100%.Overall, this procedure added 7 more amalgamated codes to the initial set of 81 aggregated codes.The first column of Table 2 presents the final set of amalgamated codes.The second column of Table 2 presents a sample folklore that corresponds to this amalgamated code.Each of these amalgamated codes, putatively, reflects a distinct misguided belief or contrived anecdote.Someone is in a race to collect the e-signatures of 300 people who believe in God before someone else collects 300 e-signatures from those who do not.

Religious or spiritual acts can be explained by scientific or common knowledge
The red dot on a Hindu woman's forehead is nothing more than an indicator of her marital status.Some guidelines are actually legislated Sending cash through the U.S. mail is illegal.

Coca-Cola and aspirin is an aphrodisiac
Other people can be readily manipulated People are impressionable A pair of hoaxsters once led hundreds of gullible New Yorkers into participating in a scheme to saw Manhattan Island in half.

The qualities and capabilities of other people are transparent
The size of a man's nose, hands, or feet is a reliable indicator of the size of his penis.
Acts that are regarded as immoral are actually beneficial or respectful According to a university study, fellatio may significantly decrease the risk of breast cancer in women.Some acts that are perceived as deviant are actually beneficial or inconsequential and thus acceptable-as well as vice versa Products that are supposed to be healthy or hygienic can actually be hazardous Ordinary use of waterproof sunscreen can cause blindness.
Unsuitable acts, undertaken to only a limited extent, are not hazardous Dropped food remains germ-free if picked up within five seconds.

Other groups are unnecessarily cautious and judgmental
Finland once banned Donald Duck because he wears no pants.Some people or organizations are unnecessary sensitive and righteous An organization called Citizens Against Breast-Feeding is petitioning Congress to outlaw breast-feeding.

Overestimation of morality
Victims are often responsible for the tragedies they experience Dr.Joseph Guillotine invented the guillotine and was later executed with one of those machines.
People receive the punishments and rewards they deserve Immoral acts will ultimately be punished In the wake of a major earthquake, a car thief WAS found crushed in the vehicle he had stolen.If people who are disadvantaged or dead are not treated respectfully, the perpetrators will be punished Ghosts of two murdered teen girls return to kill and skin parents who failed to tell their subsequent son of the girls' existence.

Moral acts can be rewarded unexpectedly
A stranger who stopped to change a tire on a disabled limo was rewarded for his efforts when the vehicle's passenger, Donald Trump, paid his mortgage Moral people eventually prevail Mr. and Mrs. Leland Stanford decided to found their own university after being rebuffed in an attempt to donate a building to Harvard.Suitable acts now may be rewarded many years in the future An Oregon girl's message-in-a-bottle was found by a boy in Hawaii.
The proficiency of large corporations, compared to individuals or small collectives of people, is overestimated A group of former General Motors workers furtively produced 1957 Chevrolet automobiles on its own for ten years.
People or communities that do not seem to be powerful or competent are more proficient than society realizes and vice versa Advances in knowledge and science are overestimated A video clip shows a NASA studio-produced 'outtake' of the first moon landing.Segments of society that seem naïve are actually insightful The pro-school prayer poem "The New School Prayer" was written by a schoolchild.People or objects can derive power from ethereal forces The spiral stairway at Santa Fe's Loretto Chapel miraculously stands despite having no discernible means of support The elite are especially vulnerable Singer Britney Spears committed suicide at the Promises clinic in October 2007.
Overall, everyone is granted the same proportion of privileges and challenges Power is distributed across society The U.S. Constitution requires presidential and vice-presidential candidates to be from different states.
Wealth diminishes wellbeing Soon after winning the largest ever Megabucks jackpot, the new multi-millionaire died a violent death.

Mothers will sacrifice anything to help their children
Mother reveals in posthumous letter to son that she had had only one eye because she had donated the other eye to him.
In some contexts, people can be trusted unconditionally Even

Skills and qualities are malleable
Teacher turns around a particularly unlovable child named Teddy Stoddart who later becomes a doctor.
A few minor acts or events may be sufficient to overcome limitations in your attributes, reputations, or resources later Healthy options can be remarkably beneficial Eating carrots improves vision.

Trivial items can be valuable
Man buys old motorcycle and then discovers the item was once owned by Elvis Presley.
Relative to previous generations, people are more enlightened now When the bathtub was introduced to the U.S. in the mid-1800s, its popularity was hindered by the belief that taking baths was injurious to a person's health People or practices that are valued now will be cherished forever Existing symbols and artifacts embody real and momentous events in the past Death of an infant in an auto accident led to the invention of "Baby on Board" signs.

The modern world is immoral
A reality show on NBC will feature women being pursued through the brush by rapists.

Entrenched practices are better than alternatives
Changes are disrespectful 'Xmas' is a modern, disrespectful abbreviation of the word 'Christmas'.Technology and progress is hazardous Cell phone calls from particular cellular phone numbers can cause brain hemorrhage and death.Unnatural objects or procedures are hazardous Growth hormones injected into chicken wings cause ovarian cysts in women.Younger generations today are immoral Fun-loving teens are lobbing lit gasoline-soaked rags into cars halted at red lights in a deadly game called spunkball.

Broader Themes
The procedure that was applied to generate these amalgamated codes was then utilized to derive broader themes from the 88 amalgamated codes.Apart from nine of the amalgamated codes, the two researchers generated the same piles.Discussions were conducted to reconcile any disagreement between the researchers.During these discussions, the researchers also articulated and clarified the theme that all the cards in each pile shared.The final column of Table 2 enumerates the 19 themes that emerged from this procedure.
Finally, the researchers, in isolation from each other, classified these 19 broader themes into one of the four constellations of biases, specified in Table 1.The third column of Table 2 arranges the themes into sets that correspond to the same bias.One of the themes-"If individuals are able to control primal urges or impulses, benefits are likely to unfold"-generated some disagreement.In particular, three of the researchers classified this theme into the biases that relate to overestimation of morality.These argued this theme implies that suppressing personal urges to serve their community indicates that morality is encouraged.In contrast, one of the researchers felt this theme to not align to any of the four constellations.

Discussion
Fictitious information, contrived anecdotes, and misguided beliefs permeate social media and other modes of communication.Indeed, the website snopes.comhas uncovered thousands of folklores that have been shown to be fictitious.These fictitious claims are sometimes innocuous but can evolve into unjust, destructive, or even violent behavior (e.g., Saucier et al., 2009).
As this paper shows, when people are especially motivated to enhance their emotions, consistent with self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987) and the meaning maintenance model (Heine et al., 2006), four constellations of biases are especially likely to alleviate negative emotions and foster positive emotions.In particular, individuals tend to overestimate the clarity of their duties, the morality of their community, the capabilities they have acquired, and the stability of societal values.This study showed that most fictitious claims epitomize one of these four sets of biases.These results imply that people often fabricate, disseminate, or embrace folklores to fulfill the conditions that improve their emotions.
First, 9 of the 19 themes that were uncovered comprise fictitious claims that justify or fulfill a need for closure.Specifically, three of these nine themes, including "Some authorities are unhelpful and, hence, their decrees can be rejected", "Immoral behavior is prevalent, even in people or communities that seem charitable and altruistic", and "Success often indicates a person, group, or organization is immoral or excluded", indicate that most authorities or powerful individuals are illegitimate.These claims, therefore, justify the tendency of people to disregard all but one or two authorities or ideologies, epitomizing a need for closure (Kruglanski et al., 2002) and clarifying which duties they need to follow.Furthermore, another three of these nine themes, specifically "Unfamiliar behaviors, people, or objects are hazardous or disgusting and should be avoided", "Tragedies and threats are predictable", and "Tragedies and threats can be prevented", vindicate the preference of some individuals to gravitate to predictable settings (Webster & Kruglanski, 1994) in which their obligations are not ambiguous.Two of these nine themes, including "All items belong to exclusive, homogenous, and enduring categories" and "Other people can be readily manipulated", demonstrate that people, and hence their demands, are not unpredictable (cf., Webster & Kruglanski, 1994).Finally, the theme "Some acts that are perceived as deviant are actually beneficial or inconsequential and thus acceptable" indicates that some deviations from duties may be accepted, diminishing anxiety and agitation (Higgins, 1987).
Second, 5 of the 19 themes that were unearthed correspond to fictitious claims that underscore the morality and justice that pervades society.One of these themes emphasizes the prevalence of equity (Adams, 1963) or a just world (Lerner, 1980): "People receive the punishments and rewards they deserve".In contrast, two of the themes, including "People or communities that do not seem to be powerful or competent are more proficient than society realizes and vice versa" and "Overall, everyone is granted the same proportion of privileges and challenges", highlight that, overall, equality is prevalent.Equality, unlike equity, implies that individuals enjoy similar levels of aggregate resources (Bremner, 2008), regardless of their contributions.Furthermore, the theme "In some contexts, people can be trusted unconditionally" emphasizes the benevolence of some people.Finally, the theme "If individuals are able to control primal urges or impulses, benefits are likely to unfold" may indicate that communal interests, rather than egocentric pursuits, are encouraged and thus prevalent.
Third, 3 of the 19 themes that emerged revolve around fictitious claims that facilitate self-enhancement biases.For the theme "A few minor acts or events may be sufficient to overcome limitations in your attributes, reputations, or resources later", the self is limited to the individual.For the theme "Our community is more advanced than other communities", the self is extended to the community, sometimes called a collective self-construal (e.g., Rice, Clayton, Trafimow, Keller, & Hughes, 2009).Finally, for the theme "The world is gradually progressing or could improve dramatically in the future", the self is extended to all humanity, analogous to the concept of humanity esteem (Luke & Maio, 2009).Indeed, as research shows, when individuals perceive humanity favorably, their self-esteem rises as well (Luke & Maio, 2009).
Fourth, 2 of the 19 themes that were identified either demonstrate or champion the stability of values over time.These themes entail "People or practices that are valued now will be cherished forever" and "Entrenched practices are better than alternatives".

Implications of these Findings
These findings indicate that people may contrive, disseminate, and embrace fictitious claims to cultivate the four conditions that foster pleasant emotions.As this conclusion implies, policies or practices that foster these conditions may diminish the likelihood of fictitious, and potentially destructive, folklores.
To illustrate, the mood of managers will affect the demands they impose.When managers are happy, they are more inclined to encourage acts of altruism (Dunn, Aknin, & Norton, 2008).As this happiness dissipates, they may not encourage, and could even punish, acts of altruism.Their employees, therefore, are not certain which duties to fulfill and, therefore, may experience a need for closure.Initiatives that stabilize the mood of managers may thus diminish this uncertainty about duties and prevent this need for closure.
Furthermore, many initiatives could also override the inclination of people to overestimate the level of morality and justice in society.For example, when inequality in income subsides, individuals become more trusting and cooperative (Oishi, Kesebir, & Diener, 2011).People feel they will be supported, instead of punished, provided they fulfill their duties.Their need to inflate the level of morality and justice in society should abate.
In addition, other initiatives could diminish the tendency of people to inflate their capabilities.For instance, when the development of knowledge and skills, instead of merely the achievement of outcomes, is rewarded, individuals are more likely to feel they can enhance their underlying competence, intelligence, and capabilities (Robins & Pals, 2002), called an incremental theory of malleability or a growth mindset (Dweck, Chui, & Hong, 1995).After they adopt this mindset, people are more responsive to feedback and more likely to develop their capabilities (for a review, see Dweck, 2006).Their need to overestimate their capabilities diminishes.
Finally, some initiatives could temper the inclination of individuals to overestimate the stability of values in society.To illustrate, CEOs often change the strategies and values of their organization.According to recent studies, if CEOs trusted their intuition, their preferences and values would not shift as erratically (Lee, Amir, & Ariely, 2009;Nordgren & Dijksterhuis, 2009).The achievements that are valued would seem more consistent over time.Employees would not feel as tempted to inflate the stability of values that permeate their society or workplace.Indeed, in these stable workplaces, individuals are more inclined to feel their own values and identity would endure.According to socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1995), these individuals should thus be motivated to accumulate knowledge, diminishing the likelihood of biases.
Nevertheless, an important limitation of this study should be acknowledged.In particular, subjective impressions, rather than objective criteria, governed the classification of fictitious claims into four constellations.Future research is needed to confirm that each constellation does indeed correspond to one underlying bias.For example, researchers should demonstrate that any exercise that nullifies one bias should decrease the degree to which all the corresponding fictitious claims are perceived as viable or desirable.
In short, a variety of initiatives could be introduced to diminish the likelihood of biased assumptions and fictitious claims.These initiatives would also enhance the emotions of people sustainably, reducing the incidence of mental illness.Finally, the themes that emerged from this study could also be utilized by advertisers and marketers to optimize their slogans and campaigns.Slogans and campaigns that align to one of the 88 amalgamated codes that were identified are especially likely to be embraced.

Table 1 .
Conditions and biases that enhance emotions or foster meaning

Table 2 .
List of aggregated codes and the corresponding themes