Language Contact in Bangladesh

,

cultural festivals; this leads to additional contact with these languages. Given that Bangladesh is a country with a diverse population that is religiously and culturally varied, these languages are often used in religious ceremonies, festivals, and other cultural practices, explaining why they are so deeply interwoven into the Bengali language.

Problem Statement and Research Questions on Language Contact in Bangladesh
The primary objective of this research is to unravel the underlying reasons and outcomes of language interaction in Bangladesh. Glesne and Peshkin (1992) posited that qualitative research serves to contextualise, interpret, and comprehend varying viewpoints. Accordingly, the initial phase of the research involves an exploration of the historical development of the Bengali language within Bangladesh. Subsequently, the study engages in an analysis of historical documents to discern the reasons and impacts of intermingling with foreign languages within Bangladesh. The research underscores two key issues: a) What are the main changes in Bengali induced by language contact in Bangladesh?
b) To what extent does language contact prevail in the Bangladeshi sociolinguistic paradigm?

Language Contact: Definition
Language contact as an individual sub-field of sociolinguistics was promoted by Weinreich (1953) as the classic study of language contact. According to Thomason (2006) and Weinreich (1953), recognition of language contact is required for the explanation of many linguistic changes. Markey (1982) claimed that each language is built on the process of language contact, though Muysken (1981) and Muhvic-Dimanovski (2005) insisted that the language of contact itself is a mixed one. In addition, several attempts have been made to technically correlate language contact as a part of language development (Matras, 1995;Jacob, 2005). Thomason (2001) proposed one of the earliest practical definitions of language contact, describing it as the simultaneous use of more than one language within the same region. Two years later, Ross (2003) delved into the examination of prehistoric language contact. Language contact happens among various language speakers under different circumstances, and the nature of this contact significantly influences the effects on the languages of these groups, particularly when they speak different languages or dialects (Holm, 2003). The understanding of language contact has expanded in recent years. It is now seen as an essential component of cross-language interaction, spanning from minimal social contacts for trade to socio-economic interethnic communication and social interactions among groups speaking different languages. Hickey (2010) argued that language contact is as old as language itself and suggested that it can be divided into two types based on the nature of the contact. Here, 'direct contact' refers to situations where speakers of one language appear among speakers of another due to circumstances such as invasion, expulsion, emigration, etc. 'Indirect contact' occurs when the interaction is facilitated through literature or, more commonly in recent times, through media such as television, radio, or the internet (Hickey, 2010).
The first theory about language contact was posited by Danesi (1985), who noted the language diversity that arises when speakers from various ethnolinguistic backgrounds attempt to use a dominant language. This concept was later titled the multidimensional perspective by Muysken (2010). Muhvic-Dimanovski (2005) noted that no systematised theoretical framework on language contact was available prior to the 1950s.
Contact-induced change is considered a prevalent theory in language contact. Thomason (2001) asserted that contact can cause language change if it is plausible that a particular change could occur outside of a specific contact situation. Later, Thomason (2006) noted that morphemes of one language are primarily transferred to Language contact Direct contact invasion, expulsion, emigration Indirect contact mediation of literature, television, radio, or the Internet another, including both lexical borrowing and the borrowing of grammatical morphemes such as particles and affixes. Muysken (2010) introduced the shift perspective to describe the theory of language contact. Myer-Scotton and Jake (2000) presented theories of language contact with the Abstract Level Model, which includes aspects such as lexical conceptual structure, morphological realisation, and predicate-argument structure. Furthermore, language contact typically arises as a result of social factors that enable, encourage, or force speakers of different languages to interact with each other (Auer, 2020).

Reasons for Language Contact
Schleicher, as cited in Muhvi-Dimanovski (2005), investigated the reason for language contact, as it is a natural organism that forms unity with language mixture. Ansaldo (2009) called it system-internal analysis, which denotes that language automatically changes over time, and it was based on Vogt (1954). The reasons for language contact can be listed as follows: 1) Phonological assimilation of different linguistic communities is a process of language contact (Boberg, 1997(Boberg, , 1999. 2) According to a recent study by Roberge (2020), language contact is historical and occurs in colonialism, conquest, imported slave and contract labour, migration, military service, trade, and urbanisation. But the causes and consequences of language contact are changing.
3) Thomason and Kaufman (1988) observed social factors as causes of language contact. 4) Later, Sankoff (2004) and Roberge (2020) also described social relationships between people, including demographic, economic, and political factors as sources of language contact. 5) Mufwene (2001Mufwene ( , 2008 revealed that language contact happens as part of the ecology of language as a living element of nature that is natural to be evaluated. 6) Hickey (2002) first classified the reasons for language contact into internal reasons and external reasons. The internal reason is defined as the change in language within the community among monolingual speakers, and the external reason is defined as the change in language caused by contact with people of different languages. However, internal factors of language contact were investigated by Lass and Wright (1986), and external factors were investigated by Nierfeld (2002Nierfeld ( , 2013.

7)
To describe cultural borrowing as a factor of language contact, migration and the part of the adult emigrant are regarded as dominating factors of language contact (Muysken, 2010;Nerbonneet et al., 2010;Sankoff, 2004;Wiersma & Opas-Hänninen, 2010). 8) Language acquisition is also a spontaneous and agreed-upon process of language contact (Muysken, 2010). Language contact occurs from an integrative perspective (Muysken, 2010). 9) Recently, Croft (2020) established one of the working theories of language contact done by Lingua franca, which serves two distinct kinds of purposes in this sociolinguistic typology and moves from one function to the next.

Modes of Language Contact
The role of global English is often identified by numerous scholars as a catalyst for international language contact (see Kivik, 2010;Jenkins, 2013). Jenkins (2013) asserted that English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) is employed as a common language among individuals with differing first languages, including native English speakers. ELF provides a form of global currency, enabling speakers from various backgrounds to communicate and leverage English as their default mode of interaction. ELF is commonly used in brief contact situations where temporary English norms are in effect, and variation is a distinguishing feature of ELF (Firth, 2009(Firth, , 1996. House (2012) argued that ELF does not function as a localised and institutionalised second language, nor can it be considered a variant with its own cultural and literary contributions, as is the case with English usage in regions like India, Malaysia, Nigeria, or Singapore, where World Englishes have emerged in unique forms in prolonged contact situations.

Results of Language Contact
According to Mufwene and Escobar (2022), language contact occurs with the contact of two or more languages due to linguistic and social factors and has been prevalent in human history. Haugen (1953) first stated that the result of language contact was that it substituted some linguistic behaviours for those in the source language. Haugen (1953) used the term interference to state the simultaneous overlap of two norms in two languages.
Linguistic interference is a cause of language contact also noticed in early literature, which is represented by the so-called loanwords or lexical borrowings (Vogt, 1954;Sankoff, 2004). Vogt (1954) also stated that code switching occurs as a result of language contact. Muysken (2010) and Ansaldo (2009) claimed that street language is the production of language contact, wherever street language means young people's languages of all kinds of backgrounds. Trudgill (1986) claimed that dialect is yet another production of language contact. Thomason and Kaufman (1988) stated that borrowing and interference through shift are common consequences of language contact. Laveday (1996) claimed that Pidgins and Creoles are the result of language contact. Ross (1996Ross ( −2021 created the term metaphy (language alliance) to represent the allocation of organisational structure between languages in a situation where social attitudes disfavour the replication of existing word forms whose basis in another language is definitely distinguishable. In contrast, Johanson (2000Johanson ( , 2002 used the term imposition to define the result of language contact. Coetsem (1988Coetsem ( , 2000 and Sankoff (2004) made the difference between borrowing and imposition. He stated that borrowing is done in the recipient's language agentively, whereas imposition of the source language agentively occurs in language contact. Dorian et al. (1989) devised the term language obsolescence to describe the result of language contact. Coetsem (2000) wrote that borrowing or imposition, motivation, naiveness, and reduction are three general outputs of language contact. Ross (2001) reported the term convergence to refer to factors from internal and external parts working together to produce the same result, but the term can also be used to mean that two languages come to be more analogous in structure, typically with one language being similar to the other. Myer-Scotton (2003) redefined the term convergence as the underlying process not only for split (bilingual mixed) languages but also for the outcomes of attrition, creole formation, and language change. Nettle and Romaine (2000) and Harrison (2007) strongly argued for the negative effect of language contact as language death.
Language contact brings about a change in grammar by occurring in the individual speech acts of individual speakers (Mufwene, 2001). The issue has been further investigated by Heine andKuteva (2002, 2005), and it is called grammaticalization, which happens in syntax and discourse/pragmatics (Sankoff, 2004). Matras and Sakel (2007) called this linguistic change a replication of linguistic matter and a replication of pattern. Practically, this phenomenon was later called the evolution of grammar by Ansaldo (2009). Soon after, Kivik (2010) observed that functional variation occurs in a systemic shift to a stronger preference source through language contact. Recently, Spears and Di (2014) correlated language contact with effects on language survival. Borrowing is a common result of language contact. According to Sergiivna et al. (2020), borrowings occur in two ways in a language: by speaking (by immediate contact between people) and writing (by indirect contact through books, newspapers, and so on). They outlined that oral borrowing underwent short, considerable changes and happened primarily in the early period of history, while in current times, written borrowing gained importance, which is a long and laborious process, and preserved their spelling and some individualities of their pronunciation (Sergiivnaat et al., 2020).

Language Contact in the Virtual World
Language contact is not limited to physical interactions alone. Since the late twentieth century, revolutionary advancements in communication technology have significantly contributed to the acceleration of globalisation. Information exchanged and acquired through virtual technology and the Internet facilitates extensive language contact. For instance, the emergence of social networks, leveraging English as the global lingua franca, has enabled seamless communication across the globe. As per Hristodoulakis and Papakonstantinidis (2008), a substantial amount of content available on the World Wide Web is written in English, with the most prominent online commercial platforms also operating predominantly in English. Hargittai (1998) suggested that English has emerged as the language of international business, steering international and intercultural interactions.
However, this phenomenon extends beyond English. A multitude of global languages are experiencing similar contact with other languages, facilitated by the Internet and other digital platforms. In agreement with this notion, Vujović and Obradović (2017) elucidated that the advent of the internet has ushered in profound changes in all facets of life, most notably in the realms of communication and information dissemination. Online media, social networks, and various other applications empower people across the world to interact and communicate in diverse languages.
Therefore, language contact via digital or online platforms has become an everyday phenomenon around the world. It not only contributes to the sharing and dissemination of information but also influences linguistic evolution, shaping new dialects, idioms, and slang. Moreover, it plays a crucial role in fostering intercultural understanding, promoting cross-cultural dialogue, and advancing global cooperation. Consequently, it is vital to continue researching these digital language interactions to better understand their social, cultural, and linguistic implications.

Research Methodology
This study adopts an analytical research approach to investigate the causes and mechanisms of language contact in Bangladesh. As it seeks to uncover culture-oriented information, behaviours, opinions, social contexts, and values of specific populations, a qualitative research method is adopted (Mack et al., 2005). The research findings and data are represented in words, objects, and images. This research is underpinned by the postmodernism paradigm in qualitative research, which constructs reality by producing a detailed description.
The objective of this analytical research is to understand the characteristics of language contact in Bangladesh, its development, and its causes. The mode of inquiry is unstructured, and the research follows an inductive or bottom-up logic as it generates new hypotheses and a grounded theory from the collected data. The research focuses primarily on describing, exploring, and discovering the phenomenon of language contact in Bangladesh. The researcher undertook a comprehensive and in-depth examination of the phenomenon using participant observation and in-depth review (Neill, 2007), with the researcher's role marked by empathy (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992).
The research language is formal and uses established qualitative terminologies. Several categories were developed corresponding to the research questions to facilitate a thorough review of articles, journals, and books. The researcher leveraged online platforms to review previous research on language contact. Based on these previous works, I illuminated the situation of linguistic contact in Bangladesh, especially between Bengali and non-Bengali speakers.
Data related to language contact in Bangladesh were analysed thematically and conceptualised to derive insightful findings. The interpretivist paradigm was chosen for this study, which typically generates qualitative data from a small sample size, emphasises validity, and can be generalised from one setting to another (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992). The research aimed to explore the socially constructed reality of language contact in Bangladesh from multiple perspectives.
Direct observation, document analysis, open-ended unstructured interviews, and participant observation were used in conducting the qualitative research. The data were collected through observation and documentary research. According to Nunan (1992), the study used naturalistic and uncontrolled observation. The documentary research method was adopted for data collection as the data are readily available, economical, less time-consuming, and suitable for hypothesis formulation (Appleton & Cowley, 1997). Both printed and electronic documents were systematically evaluated (Bowen, 2009). According to Mohajan (2018), content analysis is a method for analysing communication messages in oral, visual, and written form.
A comprehensive literature review was conducted to establish a theoretical foundation for the research questions. The literature review provided scientific explanations for research questions, which then allowed the validation of the results and their connection with other scholarly contributions on language contact.
Primary and secondary data, specifically observation and textual analysis as primary data and a review of literature as secondary data, were analysed in this study. The data were collected to answer the research questions, and secondary data were obtained from both published and unpublished sources (Mohanjan, 2018). For this qualitative study of language contact in Bangladesh, data reduction was performed through exploratory thematic analysis, and the collected data were then displayed using charts, diagrams, graphs, lists, matrices, and networks. As per Onwuegbuzie and Teddlie (2003), in the final stage, the data were integrated into a coherent whole.
No previous study has investigated an earlier language scenario from the old Bengali period. This paper attempted to classify the periodization of Bengali as (1) the primary period of Bengali, (2) the early period of Bengali, (3) the old period of Bengali, (4) the dark period of Bengali, (5) the mediaeval period of Bengali, (6) the classical period of Bengali, (7) the modern period of Bengali, and (8) the post-modern period of Bengali. According to socio-anthological findings, people of primitive age in Bengal lived in tribes and had no other way but to live their lives in agriculture located near the Bay of Bengal. Not only was crossing the sea considered sin for people, but also land roads were considerably dangerous for movement. Therefore, people used languages that were mostly related to their daily lives and agriculture. Linguistic homogeneity was a strong feature of the primitive Bengali language, as there was very little opportunity for language contact. The root and etymology of native words are still unknown. Sikder (2002) noted that the words that were present before the Aryans came into this place are called native words. Names of animals and birds, beasts, fish, household materials and utensils, fruits and foods, and many others tend to be native words in Bengali (Ferdous, 2016). The early Bengali period started with the Gupta empire and ended with the Verman dynasty, consisting of the Gupta empire, the Gauda kingdom, the Varman dynasty, and the Khadga dynasty. The Gupta regime is considered a golden age for the development of Bengal. King Shashanka was the pioneer of a unified Bengali state. The Varman dynasty in Kamarupa ruled north Bengal and Sylhet (a meeting place of the Bengali and Assamese languages). Bengali was an oral language during this period. The old Bengali period started in 600 A.D. and ended in 1200 A.D. The Pala kings ruled Bengal at that time, especially from 650 A.D. to 1200 A.D. During this time, Buddhist Gurus practised and wrote the scriptures, which later became known as Charyapads, which is considered the only surviving text in the old Bengali period, although there is a lot of controversy regarding whether it is the old form of Bengali or not. The paper found that these Buddhist Gurus had a strong influence on the development of oral Bengali. These verses were recorded on a palm leaf; later, they were discovered by Hara Prashad Sastri at the Royal Nepalese Archive in Nepal. Several verses in old Bengali were translated into Tibetan and contained in the Bstan-Hgyur (Tan-Jur), the Bengali originals having been lost. The dark period of Bengali began at the end of old age and at the beginning of middle age (1200−1350). The period is a blank page in the Bengali language record. The study claimed that middle-age Bengali began in 1350 and ended in 1760 after the arrival of Europeans in Bengal. The middle age is a significant time for the evolution, enrichment, and development of Bengali with Arabic, Parsi, Turki, Urdu, etc. Loan words in Bangladesh. The Classical Bengali period was counted from 1761 to 1947, after the partition of India. The period is significant for the invention of Bengali prose writing due to the emergence and assistance of Europeans in Bengal

History of Language Contact in Bangladesh
According to Clements (2009), human language ought to focus on a multitude of facts and observations regarding the structure and varieties of use of language in the world, including non-standard varieties such as creoles, mixed languages, pidgins, and the speech of immigrants. According to Chatterji (1926), Bengali is a member of the Indic group of the Indo-Iranian or Aryan branch of the Indo-European language family. According to Ferdous (2016), Bengali is a language of the Aryan branch of the Endo-European language family. The Aryan language converted to Old Indian Aryan, Prakrit, Magadhi Prakrit, Magadhi Apabhrangsha, Old Bengali, Middle Period Bengali, and Modern Bengali consecutively. Within this time, the vocabulary of the Bengali language was enriched day by day in many ways and through various processes. From a historical perspective, the vocabulary of any language is enriched in two ways: (a) by its native words and (b) by borrowed or loaned words. Ferdous (2016)  Malayalam, Persian, Portuguese, Sindhi, Tamil, Telegu, Turkey, and Urdu (Ferdous, 2016). The largest number of Bengali words are derived from Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic, and English. In recent years, several Rohingya people from Myanmar have come to Bangladesh to seek asylum. Gradually, language contact between Bengali dialects and the Rohingya language occurs through intermarriage and daily activities.

1) Sanskrit and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
Sanskrit is classified as the most prestigious language of the Indian subcontinent and its ancient religions. Many historians claimed that the Bengali language is a linguistic evolution of one of the branches of Sanskrit investigating the influences of Sanskrit in the Bengali language (Chatterji, 1926;Sen, 1911;Mazumdar, 1920). Conversely, the paper claimed that present-day Bengali is not evolutionary of Sanskrit, rather it is a product of language contact with the primitive Bengali language. Sanskrit was a contact language with Bengali drawing an extensive range of lexical sources over Bengali as contact language mechanism in the beginning of the 4 th century B.C. for the commercial purpose. Furthermore, considerable contact between Sanskrit and Bengali language occurred in the Gupta regime when a number of Sanskrit-speaking Brahmanas immigrated and settled in Bengal to promote Sanskrit language and spread their religious practice in Sanskrit among Bengali people. Evidence suggests that a seventh-century record of Xuan Zang, a Chinese Buddhist priest, intellectual, explorer and interpreter, journeyed in India, and noted that Sanskrit was practiced with the other languages throughout Bengal in the Gupta regime. Contact with the Sanskrit language in Bengal under the Gupta regime was caused by political influence and religious interest.
After that, the Pala and the Sena dynasty, which ruled from the eighth century to the twelve century in Bengal, was the golden period of language contact between Sanskrit and Bengali literally. More specifically, both dynasties led to a revolution in the Sanskrit language among the people of the united Bengal. With political intentions, the kings of both Pala and Sena were highly eager to impose Sanskrit on the Bengali language in different literary and cultural domains, and they succeeded. It is also significant to highlight that Bengali turned into a new form with Sanskrit language contact under Pala and Sena dynasty, while mass people started borrowing from Sanskrit enthusiastically, and this is the reason for a considerable amount of Sanskrit loan words in Bengali language because they are structurally different.
The final polio-cultural language contact between Sanskrit and Bengali transpired in the nineteenth century founded on the works of Kolkata-based intelligentsia by the name of national revivalism when Bengali people borrowed heavily from Sanskrit literature. According to (Ferdous, 2016), words that cannot be broken and have meaning are called simple or root words. If we try to break them, we will end up with meaninglessness. It is called free morphemes. Simple words are of three types, (a) unchanged Sanskrit words, (b) slightly changed or distorted Sanskrit words, and (c) derived words from Sanskrit.
2) Turkish and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh  ), and subsequently, writers often wrote poetry mixing Bengal and Turkish (a potential example of language contact) to get awards from Turkish rulers. Additionally, for the first time in Bengali history, Turkish rulers contributed to the formation of letters, the development of the Bengali language, and literature in practise. That is, the Turkish ruler Sultan Giasuddin Azam Shah sponsored the writing of Bengali poetry, Yusuf Julekha, by the poet Shah Muhammad Sagir. Along with it, they patronised translating the epic Ramayana into Bengali. Furthermore, the Turkish language was the legal and official language of the rulers and was practised by the common people in different khanka built by the Turkish saints. Furthermore, the Turkish language became a Sufi language (the language of devotion and salvation) and was practised to create social harmony among people in Bangladesh. Subsequently, many words from the Turkish language emerged in Bengali in political, social, religious, and cultural discourses, respectively. According to Shahidullah (1965Shahidullah ( , 1998, several Turkish words entered Bengali because of 600 years of Muslim influence.

3) Farsi (Persian) and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
The Farsi, or Persian, language was one of the Mughal official court languages during the Turko-Afghan Delhi Sultanate under Mughal rule from the 16 th to the 18 th centuries. Another point to consider is that the Mughals had four languages: Turkic, Arabic, Persian, and Urdu, respectively, although each gained prominence at different times. The nobility, the scribes, and the soldiers of Mughal India were mainly from Iran. Notwithstanding its origins in Iran, Persian was not associated with one sect or community; rather, it was an imperial language of ijel.ccsenet.org International Journal of English Linguistics Vol. 13, No. 4; high culture and Muslim nobility, who were the main movers of the Mughal empire. Furthermore, it was a language that Indians in the ruling class were already familiar with. The Farsi, or Persian, language was taught in Bengal Moktab (local Islamic community schools). Hindu and Muslim religious communities learned the Farsi language for economic, social, and political benefits. People in Bangladesh got language contact with Farsi from three sources: a) rulers and administrative personnel; b) saints and preachers; and c) Moktab (a local Islamic community school). Moreover, the religious discourse of Bangladeshi Muslims (also united Bengal) until now has been in Farsi because language contact between Farsi and Bengali was stronger and earlier than Arabic in Bangladesh. There are about 2500 Persian words in Bengali now (Chatterji, 1945). Likewise, Ferdous (2016) claimed that there are about 2641 Perso-Arabic words in Bengali that the Bangladeshi masses use in their daily activities. Several researchers have now categorised Farsi words in Bengali by domains of usage. These divisions specifically indicated the areas of language contact between Bengali and Farsi. According to Shahidullah (1965Shahidullah ( , 1998, words received in Farsi can be divided into seven parts: (1) Kingdom and war (2) Law and justice (3) Religion (4) Education (5) Elements of Civilization (6) Nation and business (7) General materials Moreover, Chatterji (1945) differently claimed that Farsi words in Bengali can be classified into seven classes: (1) Royal court, war, and hunting; (2) Law and justice, tax, and administration; (3) Muslim and religion; (4) Culture, education, literature, and arts; (5) Industry and luxury as a general civilization; (6) Foreign nations; and (7) Natural things and materials for daily living.

Contact in Urdu and Bengali Languages in Bangladesh
Emperor Akbar of the Indian subcontinent faced a linguistic challenge due to the diverse languages spoken among his vast army. To resolve this, he initiated a new military language named Urdu. This language was a fusion of Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit. He began using Urdu, along with Arabic and Persian, extensively across different social classes. Urdu notably influenced the Bengali language, particularly in its pronouns and verbs. In fact, Bengali incorporates over two hundred Urdu words.  (Rahman, 2007). Some people even started writing Bengali in Urdu script, creating a new literary genre that fused the Urdu and Bengali languages. There are about 5000 words common in both Urdu and Bengali vocabulary (Sarkar, 2011).
During this time, Urdu literature and art gained popularity throughout the country, alongside Bengali literature. This period marked an era of national revivalism based on the Urdu language in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan), which continued until 1971, when Bangladesh separated from West Pakistan (now Pakistan).

1) Contact with Arabic and Bengali language in Bangladesh
The Arabic language held a prestigious status in the Mughal Empire during the Sultanic period, serving as the language of the court. It was taught in maktabs [local religious schools in Bangladesh] and utilised in socio-political activities. Given its deep connection with Islam, Arabic enjoyed a high level of prestige in Bangladesh, frequently influencing the country's Shariah-related laws and customs. As such, Arabic and Quranic words and names have become embedded in everyday usage in Bangladesh.
Arabic was an integral part of the educational system. Children would memorise its teachings, with the study of the Arabic language and literature typically starting between the ages of 8 or 9 and continuing until 13 or 14 years old, often lasting a lifetime (Rahim, 1967).
The widespread learning of Arabic in Bangladesh began in earnest in the eighth century, primarily for religious purposes, following the invasion of Mohammad Bin Kassem in Sindhu (708−711). Khan (2013) noted that the Chittagong area in Bangladesh served as a gateway for the introduction and spread of Islam as well as the Arabic language.
For instance, the Iraqi-born Sufi Bayezid Bastami, who died in Bangladesh, had a countless number of followers. He disseminated his ideology and religious teachings primarily in Arabic. Furthermore, Shah Jalal's conquest of the Sylhet region in Bangladesh in 1303 greatly facilitated the spread of Islam, along with the ideologies associated with it and the Arabic language.
Historically, numerous renowned Sufis and travellers, such as Ibn Batuta, visited Bangladesh. They communicated with locals in both Arabic and Bengali, fostering mutual exchange and influence between the two languages.

2) Hindi and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
Studies have documented a longstanding practical linguistic relationship between Bengali and Hindi. This is likely due to their shared history on the Indian subcontinent, where both linguistic groups lived together under several political regimes. Similarly, Ferdous (2016) noted that due to geopolitical proximity, Hindi words have permeated the Bengali vocabulary.
Furthermore, with the arrival of the British, Persian was superseded by Hindustani, a language scripted in a form of Perso-Arabic known as Nastaliq. Its literary traditions and specialised vocabulary were heavily influenced by Persian, Turkic, and Arabic.
Given India's significant socio-cultural sway over Bengal, Hindi has acquired a certain prestige in the region. This is evident in contemporary literature, media, and mass communication. In many ways, Hindi is as well-known as Bengali, if not more so, and it's practiced to some degree by people in Bangladesh. Hindi words and phrases often feature in everyday life, used verbatim without requiring a Bengali equivalent.

3) Portuguese and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
As a hub of trade and commerce, Bangladesh, particularly the Chittagong region, attracted merchants from across the globe. Among them, Portugal was the first European nation to establish commercial ties with Bangladesh, operating under the trade permissions granted by the Bengali sultans. Notably, the fierce competition for spices drew the Portuguese to Bengal in the latter part of the 15th century. From the early 16th century on, both private and government-backed Portuguese merchants routinely visited Bengal, buying local spices to sell back in Europe. Even though the Portuguese did not exert political influence, their impact on the Bengali language was significant until 1631. There are about more than 100 Bengali words derived from Portuguese that exist in Bengali (Shahidullah, 1965(Shahidullah, , 1998. However, as English, Dutch, and French influences grew, the Portuguese started losing their commercial footing and eventually had to withdraw from Bengal. Interestingly, many Portuguese settlers chose to stay in Chittagong, marrying local women and raising families. This led to an increase in Portuguese descendants, who are locally referred to as Kala Firingi or Mete Firingi, terms implying a foreign origin (Ferdous, 2016;Islam, 2019).
Significantly, business-oriented Portuguese introduced many new foods and names for trading (Chatterji, 1999) to the people of Bangladesh. For example, they are the first nation to bring pineapple to Bangladesh for the first time. , and many others, into their Bengali language permanently. Furthermore, several researchers reported that linguistic interactions between Portuguese and Bengali people were conducted in Portuguese or Portuguese-based pidgins (Chatterjee, 2015) and creole (Sur, 2017). In fact, there are now many Portuguese loanwords in Bengali, with numerous words used in common domains of everyday life. They brought many exotic fruits, flowers, and plants, including chilli, guava, pineapple, papaya, and many others, to Bengal. As a result, the Portuguese name of these fruits is found in the Bengali vocabulary (Ferdous, 2016). The language contact of Bengali with Portuguese was very significant in the development of the Bengali language. For example, Khan (1962) noted that Portuguese learned the language so that it comprised vocabularies, grammar, confessions, and prayers. Khan (1962) (Qureshi, 2016). According to Qureshi (2016), the first Bengali dictionary and grammar were written by the Portuguese writer, Father Manoel de Assumpsao, namely Vocabulario em idioma Bengalla e Portuguez, which included a Breve compendi da gramatica Bengala, where he also commenced an innovative style of writing, known as the prose style. Qureshi (2016) investigated and found that Portuguese words number more than 200. Furthermore, the first Bengali dictionary was composed in Portuguese (Qureshi, 2016;Khondkar, 1976). More specifically, Khan (1962) found that Vocabulario em idioma bengalla e portuguez dividido em duas partes, a Bengali-Portuguese and a Portuguese-Bengali dictionary, was published by Da Silva in Roman types at Lisbon in 1743.

4) Dutch and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
The Dutch first arrived in the Indian subcontinent with four ships for business purposes in 1595. Subsequently, they established the Dutch East India Company in 1602 to oversee trade operations with the approval of the Mughal Emperor. The company imported commodities such as cotton and silk in exchange for a 3% tax.
In particular, the Dutch focused their operations in Bengal. They settled in Pipli in 1630, under the auspices of Bengal ruler Azam Khan, and between 1633 and 1638, they opened numerous factories in the region. According to Manna (2019) and Prakash (1972), the Dutch East India Company set up its main factory in Chinsurah, Bengal, with a regular Farman (permit) from Emperor Shahjahan in the seventeenth century. The company traded in goods such as silk, muslins, calico cotton, spices, pepper, cloves, nutmeg, mace, opium, saltpetre, gum, wheat, rice, and butter. A key import was the finest muslin silk cotton, which was produced in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Numerous studies have explored the social, political, and cultural interactions between the Dutch and Bengali people. Evidence suggests that the Dutch East India Company and the local Bengali populace shared a linguistic coexistence due to their regular interactions for mutual benefits. Specifically, the people of Bengal, particularly from what is now Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh, were keen to occupy positions such as 'subahdar', 'faujdar', and 'diwan' within the company for economic and social gains (Sur, 2017).
As such, the Dutch and Bengali linguistic interaction spanned nearly two centuries, leaving an indelible influence on the linguistics and lexical borrowings in the Bengali language in Bangladesh.

5) Contact in French and Bengali language in Bangladesh
In 1674, the French arrived in Bengal and secured governance rights over the Bengali people from Nawab Shaista Khan. They subsequently constructed the renowned French factory of Chandernagore between 1690 and 1692 (Chavan, 2018). However, after losing a battle to the English, they were stripped of their political power in the region. Ray (1971) noted the presence of the French East India Company in the commercial districts of Bengal towards the end of the 17th century. Despite their activities, no significant impact of the French language on Bengali has been found.

6) English and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
The first Englishman came to the Bengal region in the early seventeenth century (around 1640) with a few English ships to set up factories with the permission of Shuuja Khan in Ballasore (present-day Orrissa) and Hoogly, and they continued regular communications with local Bengali businessmen, artisans, rulers, and administrators for business (Chatterjee, 2015). Subsequently, the English got permission to do tax-free business in Bengal in 1717 from the tenth Mughal ruler Farrukhsiyar [also known as Farrukh Siyar]; afterward, they started to do business in Bengal to import Muslin cloth made in Bengal (namely Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh) to Europe. According to Chatterjee (2015), language contact between English and locals began in trading centres where many Bengali people worked as soldiers, servants, and clerks, and they used English-based tools such as Boxwallah English in the 17th century.
In the next century, the then British government and a company gained political control jointly over Bengal in 1784, and afterwards, British administrative and educational policymakers took many initiatives in Bengal to establish many institutions where English was taught with other languages (Chatterjee, 2015). De (1919) was among the first researchers to explore the changes in the Bengali language influenced by English during British rule. De highlighted that the influence of English precipitated cultural, linguistic, and literary changes starting in the 1780s. Subsequently, Chatterji and Grierson (1926) emphatically pointed out the emergence of language contact in Bengal following the introduction of English in schools. This led to an increase in bilingualism, with more people learning English alongside Bengali.
As the contact situation became more intense, Bengali acquired numerous English loanwords. The influence of English as a contact language resulted in two varieties of Bengali: a colloquial variety predominantly used in speech and a formal variety largely used in literature, thereby creating a situation of diglossia (Chatterjee, 2015). Chatterji (1945) also noted that the influence of English words and styles in the Bengali language has become significantly stronger than that of other foreign languages, particularly in terms of lifestyle and thought processes under European influence.

Chinese and Bengali Language Contact in Bangladesh
Ferdous (2016) revealed through an extensive survey that the incorporation of Chinese words into the Bengali vocabulary was historically minimal. However, this landscape has witnessed a shift in recent times. An increasing number of young individuals in Bangladesh are showing proficiency in Chinese and actively learning the language. This surge in interest can be attributed to the rising prominence of Chinese technological products and the escalating demand for Chinese language proficiency in the job market to secure promising career opportunities.
Consequently, the Bengali language is experiencing an influx of Chinese terms, particularly within the domains of technology and culinary arts. The genres of Chinese media, popularly known as C-pop and C-drama, also contribute largely to this. This integration is reflective of the significant socio-economic and cultural exchanges between the two nations. It suggests an ongoing evolution of the Bengali language under the influence of the Chinese language, driven by the current socio-economic trends and the growing mutual interaction and exchange between China and Bangladesh.

1) Korean and Bengali language contact in Bangladesh
Although Korea and Bangladesh do not have a long history together, except for international communication in political sectors, the Korean language has found its way into the hearts of Bangladeshi teenagers and young people of the new generation. With the emergence and ever-growing popularity of K-pop and K-drama, which are the most common Korean entertainment modes, a number of people are showing interest in getting acquainted with Korean culture. This is why languages are coming into regular contact, even though it is still limited in communities that keep up with Korean media.

Contact-Induced Language Change in Bengali Language in Bangladesh
Siemund (2008) noted that the occurrence of language contact is influenced and possibly constrained by various factors. These factors are derived from the societal context within which the language contact situation arises, and they operate from a cross-linguistic perspective. Additionally, the elements or tiers of language affected, such as phonology and morphology, contribute to this process. Moreover, the overall structure of the languages involved in the contact plays a substantial role. To clarify, this statement implies that when languages come into contact, the societal context, including factors such as the cultural, social, and political aspects of the communities speaking the languages, plays a crucial role in shaping the outcome of the language contact. Additionally, the different components of language (phonology, morphology, syntax, and so on) can be affected ijel.ccsenet.org International Journal of English Linguistics Vol. 13, No. 4; to various degrees based on the nature of the contact. Furthermore, the inherent structures of the languages involved also significantly impact how these languages influence each other during contact.

1) Contact-induced change in phonology
Phonological change is found to be a typical result of languages in contact. Anthony (2019) focused on the phonological transfer and adoption of segment, phonological templates, syllabic, and suprasegment characteristics as a consequence of language contact. Likewise, Hickey (2010) stated that the transfer of ijel.ccsenet.org International Journal of English Linguistics Vol. 13, No. 4; pronunciation features and accent is the basis of learned language contact. In Bengali, people have accepted many foreign words in their language for various sociolinguistic reasons, and the sounds of these languages have affected Bengali, respectively. Due to the influence of the phonetic style of Bengali, foreign language words have lost their original form and have almost taken on Bengali pronunciation (Musa, 2007). The standard Bengali pronunciation in West Bengal [a province in India] and East Bengal [i.e., Bangladesh] is completely different due to language contact. The pronunciation of Bengali in Bangladesh is influenced by the Urdu, Persian, and Arabic languages of middle age. Consequently, Ferdous (2016) stated that the influence of the Parsi language is stronger than in many other contact languages in Bangladesh. People received loan words according to their own phonological structure in some linguistic processes: (1) Final vowel insertion; (2) syncope; (3) Initial consonant elision; (4) syncope; (5) Partial phonological change; (6) metathesis; (7) prothesis; (8) substitution; and so on (Ferdous, 2016). In addition to this, a significant number of young people today in Bangladesh speak Bengali with an English accent and use English pronunciation features in their daily communication.
2) Language-induced Change and Morphology Aikhenvald (2003) used the term lexical accommodation to introduce language borrowing as a consequence of language contact. Importantly, Gardani (2020) agreed that when two languages (or more) are in contact, it is very common to transfer lexical material, even when the level of bilingualism in the situation of contact is low. He also pointed out that when lexical matter has entered a recipient language, two primary possibilities are at hand: It is integrated or not. Francesco (2019) said that momentology is more resistant to change than other parts of grammar and has led language contact scholars to view borrowing of morphology as a strong response that one language exerts over another. The Bengali people borrowed and integrated many words from different contact languages into their native language. Ferdous (2016), however, found that there are loanwords in Bengali from: (1) Persian (2) Arabic (3) Turkish (4) English (5) Portuguese (6) Dutch (7) French (8) Hindi (9) Gujarati (10) Malayalam (11) Tamil (12) Chinese (13) Japanese. More importantly, Ferdous (2016) explored that the most important and increasing Bengali vocabulary is mainly in three languages: Persian, Arabic, and English. The loan words that exist in Bengali vocabulary are mainly nouns, adjectives, conjunctions, and interjections. In history, foreign words from the Sultanate to the present day are a valuable resource for Bengali. Poets, writers, and common people always use these foreign words in their words and writings (Musa, 2007).
Furthermore, English in language contact was significantly influenced by other languages in Bangladesh. One influence is a number of lexical borrowings from English in Bengali and continued lexical shifts in English, with a huge number of English words finding their place in Bengali by replacing their Bengali equivalents (Banu & Sussex, 2001;Dash, Chowdhury, & Sarkar, 2009;Ferdous, 2016). Many verbs came from English to Bengali through morphological processes (Musa & Ilias, 1994). Furthermore, there are about 2500 Parsi words in Bengali vocabulary, predominantly about law and justice, revenue, administration, Muslim religion, royal court, Muslim culture, literature, war, hunting, and many others (Ferdous, 2016). Furthermore, Bengali borrowed some affixes from the Persian, Hindi, and Sanskrit languages (Azad, 1998). Ferdous (2016) found that morphological changes in loanwords are processed in: (1) compounding, (2) hybridization, (3) clipping, and (4) Abbreviations (Ferdous, 2016). Furthermore, he also found that the percentage of borrowing is usually higher in the case of a word in a language than its sound, meaning, and syntactic level (Ferdous, 2016).

3) Contact-induced change and syntax
Heine (2010) related language contact to a huge structural shift from one language to another that is structurally identical or nearly identical. Khan (1962) investigated and found that the remarkable English orientalists Halhed, Carey, and Nathaniel Pitts Forster solidly endorsed Bengali teaching in pure Sanskrit form and style. He also wrote that Warren Hastings, a British colonial administrator, promoted Nathaniel Brassey Halhed to write A Grammar of the Bengal Language, which was the first grammar manuscript of the Bengali language and was published in 1778 (Khan, 1962). The book promoted and prescribed Bengali syntax on the basis of English and other languages in contact. Hence, the structure of Bengali prose sentences is the result of contact languages. Punctuation marks were not used in Bengali. The use of punctuation marks in Bengali structurally establishes the impact of language contact on the imitation of English punctuation. The descriptive and prescriptive grammar of the Bengali language was developed from the perspective of English grammar after Europeans arrived in Bengal through language contact.

4) Contact-induced Change and Semantic Borrowing
To investigate semantic borrowing in the Bengali language from other contact languages, Ferdous (2016) identified three types of processes that occur semantically: Intact Meaning, Different Meaning, and either ijel.ccsenet.org International Journal of English Linguistics Vol. 13, No. 4; Contraction or Expansion. Most of the words that have been permanently incorporated into the Bangla language through language contact retain the exact meaning of the words in the original language. However, there are instances of semantic deviations with borrowed words in the Bengali language. For example, the Hindi word 'baal', which means 'head hair', was adopted into Bengali as 'baal', but came to mean 'pubic hair', signifying a shift in intended meaning, often used colloquially or as slang. Furthermore, the phrase 'good night', typically used to bid farewell at the conclusion of an evening gathering in English, is used at the start of such gatherings in Bangladesh. This represents a cultural semantic deviation from English to Bengali. 5.6 Linguistic Borrowing and Sociolinguistic, Sociological, and Sociocultural Approaches to Contact-induced Language Change Nath (1989) classified the reasons for linguistic borrowing as (a) necessity and (b) prestige from a sociolinguistic perspective in Bangladesh. Language contact in Bengali with other languages has made significant sociolinguistic, sociological, and sociocultural contributions. People of different languages have also influenced the sociolinguistic identity of the Bangladeshi people. For instance, Dil (1991) found that the foremost variance between the Hindu and Muslim Bengali communities in the present-day sociolinguistic setting is found in lexical items, where Hindus tend to use a greater amount of Sanskritic vocabulary, whereas Muslims prefer words derived from Persian and Arabic via Urdu, the practising language of Indo-Muslims.
On the other hand, Bengali people preferred to take the title of foreign words to gain prestige after language contact with different language people. Bengali people adopted a number of words related to surname and title for prestige and power, such as Khan, Caklader, Tofadar, Bokshi (from Turkish), Mollik, Sarker, Mojumdar, Talukdar, Halder, Munshi (from Arabic), and many others. Regardless of race, caste, and religion (See Hasan, 2023;Bosu, 1981Bosu, , 2009, and many others.) However, the linguistic landscape and public domain in Bangladesh have experienced sociolinguistic shifts due to contact with the English language. For instance, English names have been replaced with Bengali names and scripts, such as 'Bahadur Shah Park' replacing 'Victoria Park', 'Udayan Biddyalaya' replacing 'English Preparatory School', and 'Dhaka' replacing the anglicised 'Dacca' (Banu & Sussex, 2001). Moreover, the influence of the English language has expanded over the years, a trend that is apparent in the everyday life, education, business, and literature of the Bangla-speaking population (Banu & Sussex, 2001). Significantly, the interaction between Bengali and Sanskrit was closely tied to sociocultural engagement. As Korom (1993) noted, the Bengali language has historically evolved from its parent language, Sanskrit, primarily in a Hindu and Buddhist context. However, with the advent of Islam in north-eastern India, it began incorporating an increasing amount of Perso-Arabic vocabulary.
Contact with the language shapes the culture of a language group. For example, in Bangladeshi Bengali, the practise of expressing verbal greetings is created by language contact. Through the interaction among Bengali, Arabic, and Parsi, Bengali greetings in Arabic and Parsi are remarkable in literary and practical life. In addition, due to direct language communication with English, the culture of translation of almost all greetings from English to modern Bengali (after 1947) and ultramodern Bengali has already been established. For example, good morning, good afternoon, good evening, good night, etc. are remarkable. There is also an exchange of greetings in English at various festivals in Bangladesh. For example, Happy New Year, Happy Valentine's Day, and so on are significant.

1) Online media, virtual communication, globalization, code switching, code mixing in language contact
Gardner-Chloros (2009) stated that code-switching occurs similarly among immigrant populations, local minorities, and native multilingual individuals. Gumperz and Hernandez (1969) defined code-switching as the phenomenon that occurs when minority language speakers interact with majority language speakers amidst rapid social change. Code-switching involves using more than one language during a conversation or blending words from different languages in a single sentence. In Bangladesh, code-switching and code-mixing are common in media communication due to historical language contact. The younger generation of Bangladesh frequently employs code-switching and code-mixing, incorporating English words or sentences while speaking Bengali.
According to Luján-García (2020), a vast array of new products, tasks, sports, and treatments in leisure and entertainment are presented in English on the internet. Consequently, people can purchase and enjoy them without their physical presence. As a result, numerous new versions of English have emerged and been exported to the recipient language without any adaptation, invariably appearing in most languages. Shanta (2017) investigated the impact of language contact on media in Bangladesh and found that transformation and progress are notable characteristics of the language, and these are also common in Bangla, the native language (L1) of Bangladesh. These changing language trends include tendencies towards code-switching or code-mixing (Bangla, English, or Hindi), degradation of standard Bangla, transliteration of Bangla into English, usage of an English accent in pronouncing Bengali, and conscious attempts by younger people to speak English as a fashion statement (Shanta, 2017). Shanta (2017) also noted several instances of code-mixing, code-switching, deviations from standard Bengali, and transliteration on a private news channel and by radio jockeys telecasting on a private radio channel as a result of the distortion of modern Bengali by the dominant language. Shanta (2017) found that code-mixing and code-switching are common phenomena in radio and television programmes in Bangladesh. The distortion of modern Bengali and the prevalent usage of code-mixing are familiar scenarios in the media due to the dominant contact languages in Bangladesh.
The internet is an electronic, worldwide communication medium, and each of these properties has implications for the type of language found there. Similarly, both sender and receiver are linguistically constrained by the properties of the internet software and hardware that link them (Crystal, 2001). According to Crystal (2001), chat groups, email, and the web all host electronic interactions in which the subject matter, despite occasional deviations, relates to actual entities in the real world. Furthermore, Luján-García (2020) noted that, due to globalisation and the use of information technology (IT), different societies and cultures are closely interconnected. Communications pervade every aspect of everyday life. In the era of globalisation, Bangladeshis can connect with the world from home, play online games, make new friends, pursue online education, and more. For all of these activities, they need to use a distinct kind of language, leading them to adapt the Bengali language.
2) Contact-induced spelling, alphabet script, press, and printing as the perspective of language contact Bengali spelling and alphabet in printed fonts were the contributions of language contact in the 17 th and 18th centuries because of press and publication in Bengali alphabet script. According to Khan (1962) Khan (1962) noted that the challenge of Bengali typography was revisited by English type-makers, driven by British interests in India. A key figure in this initiative was Joseph Jackson, who started at the Caslon foundry in London as a rubber worker and gradually rose to the position of punch cutter. He honed his craft despite the Caslons' resistance and eventually opened his own foundry, where he specialised in creating a variety of oriental typefaces. In 1773, Jackson managed to categorise Hebrew, Persian, and Bengali types in his inventory. Jackson's expertise attracted Willem Bolts, a Dutch adventurer serving the East India Company who also held a position as a judge at the mayor's court of Calcutta. Bolts was tasked by the East India Company to develop a Bengali grammar in line with the Company's ambition to popularise oriental languages. As part of this initiative, he commissioned Jackson to create a Bengali typeface. However, Bolts' tenure at the Company was not without challenges. Despite his creativity and proactive approach, he faced difficulties between 1766 and 1768, which eventually led to his expulsion from India. Intriguingly, he appeared to be uninformed about the decision to decrease the number of characters in the Bengali script.

3) Pidgin and Creole
Pidgin, as defined by Lim and Ansaldo (2015), is a simplified form of communication employed by individuals who do not share a common language. This form of language typically arises out of necessity, often to facilitate ijel.ccsenet.org International Journal of English Linguistics Vol. 13, No. 4; trade or other forms of interaction among diverse groups. Holm (2000, p. 5) stated, '…no group learns the native language of any group for social reasons that may include lack of trust or close contact'. According to Muysken and Smith (1995), they do not have native speakers, and the level of development and complexity of a pidgin language depends on the type and intensity of communication between its users. Todd (1974Todd ( , 2005 characterized pidgin as a peripheral language that emerges to meet limited communication necessities among individuals who do not share a common language. For instance, throughout history, various merchants from different linguistic backgrounds have arrived in regions like Bangladesh to conduct business. In such situations, a pidgin language can develop, allowing these traders to communicate more effectively. In the context of pidgins, the term creole is used to describe a natural language that has evolved from a pidgin. Todd (1974Todd ( , 2005 stated that a creole develops when a pidgin transforms into the primary language of a speech community. This usually occurs when a generation of children grow up hearing and using the pidgin as their primary means of communication. The children expand on the simplified structure of the pidgin, turning it into a more complex and fully developed language, hence a creole. It is interesting to note that in some cases, a creole can even replace an existing native language as the dominant form of communication within a community. According to Isa et al. (2015, pp. 1−15), 'Creole integrates characteristics from the all the parent languages to establish the mother tongue of a community'. In this sense, the presence of pidgin and creole languages could indirectly contribute to the linguistic repertoire of native speakers, allowing them to acquire new vocabulary or phrases from foreign languages. This linguistic exchange and evolution could be a fascinating subject of study for linguists and anthropologists alike.
Holm (2003), a renowned creolist, introduced a related concept known as semi-creolization. This term refers to a situation where a language undergoes significant structural change under the influence of a pidgin or creole, but without completely transforming into a creole itself. Semi-creolization typically occurs over an extended period, reflecting the gradual acceptance and assimilation of the pidgin language into the local linguistic framework.

Mixed Languages and Expression in Younger Language and Contact-Induced Language Change
The mixed language combines several different types of languages. Bangladeshis do not hesitate to speak a mixture of languages. According to Bakker and Matras (2013), in most cases of community bilingualism, mixed languages are the result of the merger of two recognised source languages. Lexical and grammar are usually separated in hybrid languages. Language contact is greatly aided by social networks among the young generation in Bangladesh. Teenagers enjoy using the Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube platforms. English expressions are the most common output of young people's language contact in Bangladesh in their daily lives. According to Musa and Ilias (1994), many English expressions have been translated into Bengali. Furthermore, Ferdous (2016) enlisted some common expressions that are frequently used by young Bangladeshis; for example, Frankly speaking, Honestly speaking, By the way, My pleasure, Upon God, Do not mind, Take it easy, By hook or by crook, Thank you, Be careful, Good night, Good morning, Anyway, Believe me, You are welcome, Take care, Do or die, Go to hell, and many others (Ferdous, 2016).

1) Translation
The analysis conducted by Norde et al. (2010) highlights an important finding regarding the impact of culture on translators. Despite their efforts to remain faithful to the source text and its intended meaning, translators inevitably encounter the influence of their own cultural background. This recognition underscores the challenge of achieving complete cultural neutrality in translation.
Furthermore, Ferdous (2016) noted that the process of word formation is not limited to a single language but is even more prevalent in the era of globalisation. This observation is particularly relevant to Bangladesh, where new words are being created through the combination of words from different languages. This phenomenon reflects the linguistic diversity and contact in the country, as well as the need to adapt and incorporate foreign terms to address emerging concepts and developments.
In addition to the combination of words, affixes from contact languages in Bangladesh also play a significant role in the creation of new words. Affixes, such as prefixes and suffixes, from different languages are utilised to modify the meaning or form of existing words, leading to the formation of novel vocabulary. This demonstrates the dynamic nature of language contact in Bangladesh and its impact on lexical innovation.
In short, the analysis conducted by Norde et al. (2010) emphasises the influence of culture on translators, while Ferdous (2016) emphasised the extensive process of word formation through the combination of words from different languages in Bangladesh. Furthermore, affixes from contact languages in Bangladesh contribute to the creation of new words. These findings shed light on the complex dynamics of language contact and the ongoing evolution of the linguistic landscape in Bangladesh.

2) Abbreviations
An abbreviation is a reduced structure of a word or phrase containing a group of letters from the word or phrase. Countless English abbreviations are borrowed and used in Bengali at present. There are mainly two kinds of abbreviated English loanwords in the Bengali vocabulary. These are: (1) Acronyms (2) Initialisms Additionally, an acronym is an abbreviation that is used as a word that is formed from the initial elements of a phrase or word.
Here are examples of some acronyms in Bengali (the same as in English). When a word is formed by taking only the initial letters of some words, the process is called initialism or initialization. Initializations are pronounced only as a string of letters. Many English abbreviations like this are being used in Bengali. For example: BBC [British Broadcasting Company], USA [United States of America], ATM [Automated Teller Machine], and many others. used in the same form in English and Bengali in Bangladesh. In modern day virtual communication, many terms and phrases appear in such a form. For example, lol = laugh out loud, rip = rest in peace, cmb = call me back, ilu = I love you and many others.

Conclusions
When a word is formed by taking only the initial letters of some words, the process is called initialism or initialization. Initializations are pronounced only as a string of letters. Many English abbreviations like this are being used in Bengali. For example, BBC [British Broadcasting Company], USA [United States of America], ATM [Automated Teller Machine], and many others are used in the same form in English and Bengali in Bangladesh. In modern-day virtual communication, many terms and phrases appear in this form. For example, lol = laugh out loud; rip = rest in peace; cmb = call me back; ilu = I love you; and many others.